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Some Observation on Communication
and Japanese Nationalism in 1890s 1Publication Date:199203
Book title: MEDIA, CULTURE, AND EDUCATION IN JAPAN [A COLLECTION OF PAPERS]
Publisher : National Institute of Multimedia Education
The purpose of this essay is to investigate the backgrounds of social system and social philosophy usually called "the Japanese Nationalism of 1890s", from the viewpoint of social communication and the behavior pattern of the people of that particular period of history.
The following discussion consists of three parts. First, we are going to see the growth of a "national communication circle" of which definition will be given later. In the second place, we shall make a brief survey of the changes which took place in newspapers. Third, we shall try to find the characteristics of communication in connection with the idea of "nationalism".
Among other things, the situation of communication in the 1890s is worth analyzing for the reason that at this particular period Japan came to have a "National communication circle".
What is a "communication circle"? Our definition is this. Any social group is possible only when there is communication among its members. That there is a social group is synonymous with saying that there is a process of exchange of meaning among the individuals who constitute the group. When the amount and the speed of communication are sufficient so that the whole population involved can become a more or less permanently functional social group, we call it a "communication circle". The size of a communication circle is determined mainly by the technological means of communication. (In ancient Greece, where human communication had to be done solely through physical communication organs-i.e., mouth and ear, the communication circle took the form of "Polis" or city-state. Technological developments in communication, such as the introduction of radio, made the size of the communication circle larger.) When such a communication circle covers certain geographical territory, and when the members of that communication circle become aware of themselves as a united whole in the global context, such a unity is called a "nation state". In Europe, this "national communication circle" emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries following the age of discovery and enlightenment.
Japan up to the 1890s was, if seen from this point of view, merely an aggregate of small local communication circles, rather than a unified national communication circle. Of course, we can say that the Meiji Restoration (1867) was the declaration of independence of the "Japanese Nation" as a member of the international community. However, what was meant by the "nation" of Japan then was merely that the heads of local governments were appointed by the central government. As a matter of fact, for a considerably long period of time after the Restoration, a local administration continued to be a mixture of old local feudalism and the new central government system. Though the physical barriers of transportation and communication, which were artificially set inter-locally by feudal lords (the exchange of information and commodities among local territories was not free), were abolished in the year following the Restoration, the fastest means of communication was the person carrying a message on horseback, and it took more than five days to complete a one-way trip between Tokyo and Osaka, two major cities of Japan. Accurate and efficient communication on nation-wide scale, needless to say, was hardly expected with this type of poor facilities.
In a word, the Meiji society of the early period was very low in the amount and the speed of communications, although it was internationally recognized as a nation. Therefore, to attain more organized, integrated, and efficient communications throughout Japan was one of the most indispensable tasks for the Meiji government.
The expansion of communication in Meiji society begins with the creation of a homogeneous population able to communicate and to be communicated to. Needless to say, this was the essential condition for a large-size communication circle, because without a high literacy rate among the population, symbols were not able to reach the public. Especially in the era when the only available mass medium was that of printed language, literacy of the population was decisive for the formation of a national communication circle. (It may be worthwhile to note here the contemporary communication situation in the Near East where "modernization" began with radio rather than the press.2 The fact that the modernization of Japan was ahead of the invention of electronic journalism might be very important in the history of communication.)
Unfortunately, we do not have any data in regard to the literacy rate in Meiji period. (The first literacy survey was done in 1931.) But it was certain that with the aid of the new school system (six years of compulsory education) the literacy rate had considerably increased.3
The new education system was introduced in 1876. In its beginning, there was opposition from those parents who felt the school expense as a burden, and from those parents who had to rely on their children working in farms or factories. However, statistics show that in 1879, three years after the enforcement of the new education system, the number of primary schools in Japan increased to 34,000.
Young men who, for some reason, "skipped" the primary school education were taught to write and read in the army which was a compulsory institution for all men. Especially after 1881, the regulation became more strict than before so that every Japanese boy had to spend at least a year in the army at the age of 21. The army, as a compulsory institution, was significant in the history of communication if we look at the following facts:
1) The army served as a human communication medium for the penetration of the new culture pattern to local communities. Since more than 70% of the population of the day were essentially rural, those young men from villages who joined the army had to have completely new experiences. That is, they were trained to live in the most modern material and non-material culture in Japan. Western suits (uniforms), stove, bed, electric light, the habit of eating meat, singing new army songs set to western music, etc. After they finished their service in the army, they, naturally, went back home. But the important point is that they went back home carrying the latest information and ways of life derived from the most advanced section of the country, the army.
2) The army was the place to train soldiers in reading, along with fighting. To those who finished primary school, it gave advanced courses in reading and handwriting and provided them with libraries; for those who had missed the chance, elementary courses were given. At the same time, the army functioned as a "melting pot" of dialects. Though the army language was not a good standard language, either linguistically or aesthetically, at least it made communication between two different local cultures easier and smoother. As a matter of fact, in many cases, the veterans could serve as interpreters in their home communities when strangers found difficulties with local dialects.
School education, coupled with the army institution, provided the minimum condition for a national communication circle, i.e., the homogenized and common ability to communicate and to be communicated to. What was needed, then, were the channels and means of communication, which could convey huge amounts of information quickly to various parts of the country. Now, let us examine the development of non-human facilities of communication and transportation.
In 1873, the first telegraph line was completed between Tokyo and Yokohama.4 In Tokyo, the production of man-pulled carts (Jinrikisha) started in the same year, and in the following two years, the total of these vehicles in the city amounted to 25,000. In addition to this type of vehicle, various sorts of carts and wagons were manufactured and used for the prompt transportation of persons and goods. (In the feudal era, in order to limit the activities of merchants who were less favored than the farmers, the number of carts was controlled by the lords. For instance, in Old Tokyo, the number was limited to 16,000.) Roads and bridges were rapidly improved during the ten years after the Restoration.
The decisive revolution in transportation, however, did not arrive until the steam-powered train was introduced. The first railroad between Tokyo and Yokohama was completed in 1872, but it took more than fifteen years before the railroad officials celebrated their 1,000 miles of railroad construction. The expansion of railroads is extremely important from our point of view in the sense that they had the vital role in the formation of a national communication circle. In the first place, the inter-local economic activities were tremendously promoted. Local products could be easily traded, and small and middle-size local communities developed as the trading centers of each prefecture. According to Professor Watsuji's autobiography, "until sometime around 1890, my home village, as well as other communities, stayed as it had been in feudal regime. People grew crops, went fishing to provide their own food, wove their own clothes, built their houses, all by and for themselves" (Watsuji, T.; "My Village" the Chuo-koron Feb. 1957). In other words, the expeditious developments in political, economic, and industrial structure in the center of the country, they influenced the local cultures very little. Local communities stayed as they had been for a long period of time. The dramatic change came with railroads. The influence of urban and industrial culture was brought by the trains in terms of commodities and information.
At the same time, needless to say, railroads made the physical mobility of persons faster and easier. Even in the beginning of the railroad between Tokyo and Yokohama, more than 3,000 passengers travelled daily, and this number of people moving between the two points was incredibly huge by the standard of the day. When the first National Fair was held in Tokyo in 1890, more than 10,000 passengers were brought to Shimbashi station in Tokyo every day, and in the same year, it is recorded that students' guided tours became popular. Travel for pleasure came to be a common habit among the urban population in the 1890s, too. The first sightseeing train from Tokyo to Nikko on a regular schedule was introduced to the public in 1892, and some people, though not many, began to spend summers in the beach houses of Kamakura. This type of leisure activities was unknown to Japan until foreigners came. To summarize, railroads were one of the most important factors which effected the homogenization of the Japanese culture and the higher mobility of the population.
In this connection, it might be worthwhile to note that it was in the 1890s when the rental houses of the urban area came to be furnished with Tatami (floor mat) and Shoji(sliding door, or panel). Until then, there were no furnishings in the rental houses, and people had to carry a huge pile of Tatami and Shoji with them when they moved. This change may indicate the change in the degree of physical mobility of the urban population; the more they moved, the more convenient facilities in housing were needed. (Whether or not "social mobility" goes with "physical mobility" is another question.)
According to the research conducted by Mr. Yanagita, a folklorist, one of the most significant changes which took place in this period was "the change in the form of marriage". The dominant form of marriage had been "intra-community" until 1890s when the "inter-community" form became popular as the result of the disappearance of rigid psychological barriers between communities. And this development also seems to indicate an increase in mobility and the expansion of the communication circle.
The sociability among the people also became higher. One indication is the fact that the exchange of greeting cards for the new year became one of the most popular annual events some time between 1887 and 1892. After the Japanese post office adopted a new handy means of personal communication...i.e., postcards... in 1880, and especially afterwards when somebody introduced the picture postcards a little later, the exchange of nonbusiness letters among the people sharply increased. The following chart shows the changes in the amount of postal service during the period 1873 to 1892.
| Year | Regular mail | Postcard | Periodicals | Books |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1873 | 16,732,000 | 0 | 2,629,000 | 0 |
| 1882 | 49,207,000 | 32,894,000 | 15,226,000 | 3,042,000 |
| 1892 | 70,992,000 | 126,454,000 | 52,178,000 | 4,716,000 |
The communication medium which was much faster than mail was the telegraph. The telegraph was introduced to Japan before the Restoration. That is, the basic telegraph equipment was one of the good-will presents to the Shogunate from Admiral Perry, the first American visitor to modern Japan. As soon as the Meiji government was established, officials were very much concerned with the practical use of telegraph communication throughout Japan. However, because of some technical difficulties, it took approximately 20 years until the nation-wide telegraph system was completed. As a matter of fact, until a new double insulator, which was necessary for long distance communication, was improved in 1883, practically no construction was undertaken.
Moreover, the official telegraph rate was set very high. Most of the users were government officials for official purposes, and very few private parties could afford to pay the telegraph bill. Even newspapers could not use the telegraph much. And it is said to be a revolution in the history of Japanese journalism that in 1889 the Osaka Mainichi decided to use telegrams "as much as necessary". The Mainichi of the day had 50,000 Yen paid capital, but a telegram of one hundred words cost 500 Yen, or 1% of the capital! The telegraph, in a word, was not a popular channel of communication even for the press. (It was 1905 when a new special rate was set for the press.)
The telephone came into use in 1884, and the service was primarily for official use again. Even in 1893, only 1,500 telephones were registered. Telephone, as well as telegraph, could not be defined as the popular channels of communication.
However, as we have seen, the developments in railroads, telegraph, telephone, and postal service, etc. helped to increased the size, and to integrate the organization of a national communication circle. Most of the new generation (meaning the population born after the Restoration) were qualified to participate in the national communication circle in terms of literacy and in terms of lifeorientation, and they were exposed to the information carried by the new channels of communication and transportation. Thus, the unification of what Ruesch and Bateson called "cultural communication" (customs, institutions) was almost completed on a "national" level, instead of a local level, during the decade of the 1890s. In this way, the Japanese "national communication circle" was shaped. The process in which local culture became gradually integrated as a part of the "Japanese Nation" can be seen from the following case studies of changes in consumption.
a) The case of Oka family, Shimane Prefecture
In 1881, kerosene oil was first purchased. Jinrikisha was several times hired for visits; matches and western style umbrella were purchased. In 1891, the family started to use postcards.
b) The case of Tomisawa family, Kanagawa prefecture
In 1880, western wine and toilet soap were used. For the new year, the family had a photograph taken, and more than 30 letters were sent to their relatives and friends. In the same year, they started a subscription for a Tokyo newspaper. More than ten books were bought. In May, the family took a trip to Tokyo for pleasure. In 1890, the postage bill increased to 12 Yen a year, which means that they sent more than 20 letters every month. Western suits for the men, and a wall clock were purchased.
c) The case of Hara family, Fukushima prefecture
In 1881, they bought a western hat and shirts for the men.
d) The case of Takagi family, Kanagawa prefecture
In 1879, western candies and pastries were purchased. In March, the same year, the family took a trip to Tokyo to buy a wedding dress for their daughter. The head of the family, for the first time, tried western wine. Jinrikisha was hired 13 times this year. Starting in 1884, an illustrated newspaper was subscribed to.
These records are not representative of the Japanese families of the day, because all of the families mentioned were rather big landowners. But it shows how urban culture was getting into local communities, and if we assume that these landowners were opinion leaders of the communities, we could safely say that they promoted the urbanization of local cultures in terms of material products.
Rural village life of 1897 was described by an observer of the times as follows: "Every household, regardless of economic and social status, has a national flag to hoist at their doorway on national holidays. One-third of the households have a writing desk, a clock, and a thermometer. Almost every family owns a Hibachi (charcoal heating pot), a set of Zabutons (soft cushions), and a tea set for guests. Western umbrellas are found in every household. One out of 30 men has a western overcoat."
The preceding discussion was to sketch the general outlook of the communication situation of the 1890s in Japan. At this stage of history, the first graduates of the new school system were at the age of 25 or a little over, and were already the core of a social force in the total population. This human factor, coupled with developments in the technology of communication and transportation, was the actual basis of the national communication circle and the national economy. However, we have talked very little about the media of mass communications. In the next section, we would like to see how Japanese newspapers have developed in the 1890s, and what social factors affected the patterns of growth.
As seen in the preceding chapter, the Japanese national communication circle was roughly formed in the 1890s. In other words, the esprit de corps of the people as the Japanese nation emerged. However, the feeling of unity and interrelatedness is reinforced when the members are exposed and attached to certain common symbols distributed by certain systematic channels of communication. The system of symbolic distribution is a part of "social control" in the broader sense, along with the system of distribution of powers.
The Meiji government was, from its beginning, very much concerned with the unification of symbols and the control of such symbols in the process of expanding the communication circle. As discussed before, the government had monopolized the major channels of transportation and communication. Railroads, telegraph, telephone, postal service, were all government enterprises, and in the case of telecommunications, the use of the facilities was practically monopolized by the government for twenty years.
The government's control over every symbolic activity was also severe with respect to the contents of communications. We have seen already that in the late 1890s, almost every household had a national flag to hoist on their doorway on national holidays. But, did they buy the flag voluntarily out of their feeling of unity and love for the country? We do not know. But there was a fact observed by a foreign visitor who wrote in his diary that he had to see "the sad scene of a policeman visiting door to door to ask the people to set their flag up" on the Emperor's birthday in 1880. As we shall see later, this style of communication, i.e., to force the people to participate in certain types of policy-communication, was related to the nature of the "nationalism".
The government control over communication was significant in the field of mass communications, too. The control over newspapers became very strict in 1890s, though it had been an intolerable one.5 It might be useful to see the newspaper situation of the 1880s before we go to the investigation of the 1890s, because one of the most important turning-points of journalism history of Japan is to be found in these two contrasting decades.
The Japanese newspapers of the 1880s were characterized by their extreme political orientation. Major newspapers of the day were more or less connected with political parties, and functioned as their organs.6 For instance, in Tokyo, the Nichinichi and the Meiji Nippo were connected with the Imperial party (Teiseito), the Yubin-hochi and the Choya with the Progressive party (Kaishinto), the Jiyu with the Liberal party (Jiyuto). They were partly supported by the parties financially, and they acted as the propaganda department of their sponsors rather than as an information service for the public. In these newspapers, as one may immediately guess, opinions were dominant over facts, and facts were often distorted by opinions.
However, some of these newspapers were relatively successful. They were successful even commercially. Especially, the press sponsored by antigovernment Progressive and Liberal parties were prosperous in their circulation. Most of the readers of newspapers of the day were students and intellectuals, and the papers were not popular yet. Copies of newspapers were often souvenir items for the locals who came to Tokyo for sight-seeing. They bought a paper at the newsstand, brought it back to their home and kept it as the symbol of urban civilization.
So far, so good. But the politically oriented newspapers were not able to continue publication in the 1890s because of two reasons. In the first place, there were strong pressures from the government, and in the second place, the readership of newspapers changed.
In the light of the upheaval of anti-government propaganda by newspapers, the government put a very strong pressure on such "subversive" papers by various means.
a) The government suggested that local governors help the circulation of pro-government papers of respective prefectures. Sometimes, a few hundred copies of such newspapers were "subscribed" to by the local government on official account.
b) New laws and regulations concerning the publication of papers were enforced so that the anti-government press was not able to publish. Especially, "liberal" newspapers had to discontinue publication. The Kochi Shimbun, one of the most militant liberal newspapers, was ordered to stop publication six times. And at last, the publishing firm itself was ordered to be dissolved in 1882. The paper ended with "The Grand Funeral for the press of Honor" in the central park of the city with thousands of people making a demand for freedom of speech to the governor, though this demonstration itself was broken up by the police. Five other papers had the same experience in the same year, and there were more than 80 temporary prohibitions of publication throughout Japan. The pressure from the government became decisive when the amendments to the press regulations was enforced in 1883. The main points of amendment were as follows:
1. The Ministry of Internal Affairs reserves the right to "forfeit printing machines of the newspapers which are recognized to be extremely harmful, and when it was felt necessary to do so", along with the right to order any newspaper to discontinue publication, either temporarily or permanently, at the Minister's discretion. (Article 16)
2. A publishing firm, which publishes more than one newspaper, must stop the publication of all the papers, when one of the papers is ordered to be discontinued. (Article 17) And "the owner, editor, and printer of the paper of which publication was once forbidden cannot be the owner, editor, and printer of any other newspapers within two years after the prohibition". (Article 24)
3. The Ministry of the Army, the Ministry of the Navy, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reserve the right to order the press to keep any report or commentary out of print if they feel it necessary. And at the same time, through the arrangement with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the printing machines of newspapers can be forfeited if it is felt necessary". (Article 34)
These amendments of regulations were apparently intended to stop the circulation of liberal newspapers in Japan. And for many editors and reporters, even for those who belonged to a "neutral" type of newspaper, the time was a very hard one. The historical statistics of the circulation of newspapers show the strength of the pressure most vividly: the annual circulation of papers in 1881 was 64 million copies, but it decreased to 59 million in 1882, and 57 million in 1883.
The politically oriented newspapers were forced to change their forms and contents by government control, but aside from this external factor, there also was another internal reason why they had to change. The upward curve of literacy, coupled with the same curve in consuming power and total economic production, made the readers of newspapers different from those of the previous decade. In the 1880s, roughly speaking, the readers were an elite. They were officials, professionals, and students. They were interested in serious political issues, and newspapers, in a sense, reflected the readers' interest.
However, the new readers, the popular audience, or masses were not interested in political issues as such. They were more or less gossip-minded, fact-minded and entertainment-minded. The first newspaper which aimed at this new kind of readers was the Jiji Shimpo, established by Y. Fukuzawa in 1882. Fukuzawa, the founder of Keio University, "felt the necessity of a newspaper which can lead public opinion independently from any particular political pressure". His observation was right. In contrast to the decline of political newspapers such as Nichinichi, of which circulation decreased from 12,000 in 1882 to 6,000 in 1889, the circulation of the Jiji showed tremendous increase, though correct figures are not available. We may call Jiji one of the "new" newspapers. What was new with "new" newspapers?
a) The organization of newspaper publishing was new. The case of the Hochi, another new press, will be a good illustration. F. Yano, the chief editor of that paper started "reform" of the firm as soon as he came back from his inspection trip of newspaper business in Europe and America in 1886. First of all, he organized the editors and reporters on a departmental basis. Instead of rather anarchistic editorial organization where a reporter looks for something new regardless of the subject matter, some reporters were asked to get news in police headquarters, while some others were assigned to look for stock market information, etc. In the second place, he organized the prototype of a Newspaper Association on a nation-wide scale so that the editors of various newspapers could exchange information. Along with this, Yano also established a new independent information service agency, under the name of Shimbun Yotatsu Kaisha (Newspaper Service Cooperation).
b) The idea that a newspaper is a commodity came to the minds of editors. In the period of party organ newspapers, the press was primarily a channel of political propaganda, and the owners and editors paid very little attention to the profit-making aspect of newspaper business. They wanted to sell political ideas and ideologies, not newspapers. The cost of running such newspapers was very cheap, since the news sources were limited, in many cases, to one, i.e., the party. As a matter of fact, according to the editors of Nichinichi, a daily circulation of 4,000 was enough to cover all the expenses early in 1880.
However, the increased new readership wanted to know the latest happenings in various fields, and to get more entertainment. In order to satisfy the needs of this new audience, much more money was needed to dispatch reporters to the places out of the town, get serial fiction by distinguished authors, scoop confidential news from individual parties, etc. and the only way to cover that huge expense was to sell more copies. Especially in the case of Osaka papers, which were located 400 miles from Tokyo, and still had to get Tokyo news as fast as possible, the problem of satisfying the readers was very serious. The editor of an Osaka paper wrote "Tokyo journalists are, I am sure, not able to imagine the amount of the telegraph bill which comes to my desk every month" ("70 years of the Osaka Mainichi". Strange to say, however, this handicap of the Osaka papers turned out to be an advantage in the following ten years, because they had to promote circulation to pay for the telegraph bill for Tokyo source, and consequently they had to install the most modern printing machines and to meet increased circulation. Thus, a newspaper as a modern big industry came to the Osaka area first. (Two major contemporary newspapers, namely the Asahi and the Mainichi, were both founded in Osaka at this time). In a word, newspapers of Japan have changed, and had to change, from small-scale enterprises to a big commodity-producing business.
c) As the result of commercialization of papers, naturally, the management and sales aspect of newspapers became more important than the editorial aspect. Or, let's put it this way: in the previous years, the responsibility of the sales division was just to try to sell what editorial people produced. But now, the relationship between editors and sales people, in a sense, was reversed. Editors were expected to make headlines so that the paper could be sold. Devices which might appeal to the popular audience were practiced. Serial fiction and illustrations were used and in 1885 Fukuzawa of the Jiji tried to use pink paper instead of ordinary white paper to attract newsstand customers. The sales system through local agents was also established around the year 1890, and the subscription rate in general was cut down for sales promotion purposes.
With regard to the increase of readers, one of the most important facts is that the rural population, more than 69% of the total population of the day, began to subscribe to newspapers. Since farming gradually became commercialized as the result of economic expansion, farmers, who then were paid cash for their product, were very much interested in the day by day market price of agricultural products. The newspapers provided that information. And so came the age when not only the urban population but also rural people read newspapers.
As to the actual circulation, we have the following statistics: "according to the police headquarters in Tokyo, the number of newspapers and circulation in December 1888 are as follows: number of papers 45, and total circulation 4,514,705" (Government Information Bulletin, Feb. 1, 1889). This figure means that little more than 150,000 copies of newspapers were circulated in Tokyo area. If the rough estimate of the total households in Tokyo of the day was 250,000 to 300,000, we can say that newspapers reached one out of two households, at least in Tokyo.
In brief, the newspapers of Japan in the 1890s can be characterized by 1) neutralization of their political implication, 2) the rise of commercialism, and 3) increase in circulation. For the new mass market which was already cultivated and fertilized by the enlightenment movement and higher economic activities, the newspapers started their prosperous business as mass media.
As we have seen in the preceding chapters, not only the basic means of communication and transportation, but also the mass media of communication had almost completed the initial step for the formation of a "national communication circle". The idea of a Japanese nation had penetrated into the local communities, and people were able to think of themselves as belonging to the nation. This idea of "belonging" is a part of any nationalism. However, there are many types of nationalism depending on how this feeling was shaped. By revolution? By inevitable defense? By voluntary participation? By power?
From the viewpoint of political communication, the style of communication which characterized the 1890s was what Lasswell called the style of "despotism". He says, "Since nondemocratic elites demand superiority, they interpose barriers of 'distance' and 'height' between themselves and the rank and file. Symbols and signs are among the instruments employed for the purpose of being 'remote' and 'above'. Hence the outstanding style of despotism is effect-contrasting. 'Commands' are issued; 'obedience' is compulsory".7
The illustration given by Lasswell is that of the British monarchy, but it is much more true with the Japanese communications originating from the Emperor. The "effect contrasting" style in Japan took the form of the "the Words from His Majesty the Emperor" (Chokugo). On various occasions, and frequently, "the Words" were issued, and these words produced the "distance" between the ruler and the subjects. This communication from the Emperor came to a climax when "the Words from His Majesty the Emperor concerning Education" was issued in 1890, which then became the most important one along with "The Words from His Majesty the Emperor to the Officers and Soldiers in His Majesty's Army and Navy" which had been issued ten years before.
The reason why we have to mention this form of communication is that the "Words" were more effective and persuasive than any other forms of communication, including mass media. We have already pointed out that the new school system and the institution of the army were very important factors in the process of the formation of a national communication system. But now, we must add that the "Words" had to be followed in both groups.
In school, on every national holiday, boys and girls, from elementary level to university level, were asked to attend a ceremony at the school auditorium, and listen to the "Words" (concerning education) read by the principal or president of the institution. Of course, they had to be extremely quiet, and while listening they had to bow to the "Words". As a matter of fact, the Ministry of Education proclaimed a code governing the practice of reading, and the head of every educational institution received a copy of the code. (This "Word" reading has continued up to 1945).
In the case of "Words" for servicemen, the situation was more extreme. In the army and the navy, the soldiers had to read the "Words" aloud solemnly by themselves every morning and evening, that is, twice a day.
We must remind ourselves here that both school and army were compulsory institutions. A person can reject other media of communication. But the "Words" were compulsory to be received and only to be received. (The receiver was not allowed to send a message back to the original communicator, the Emperor.) In a word, every man who was a Japanese citizen had to attend school and join the army, and that means he had to be exposed to the "Words" repeatedly.
Moreover, the students and soldiers had to bow to the portrait of the Emperor, which was usually hung in the center of the school auditorium behind a curtain which was opened when the "Words" were read. The principal of the school, then, acted as the agent of the Emperor, so to speak. Anyhow, the point is that this "Words" communication was quasi-personal between the Emperor and the people, and it depended entirely upon an audio-visual channel.
The "Word" communication was, in any case, unconditionally superior to any other type of communication. Sometimes, controversy and confusion in the Congress were settled by the "Words". In the old Japanese society, the "Words" were the communication which determined the validity of all other communications. Every communication was ultimately supervised and controlled by the "Words". Even legislation was not an exception: that is, if the law and the "Words" conflicted, it was considered that the law was unconditionally wrong.
Therefore, from our point of view, the "nationalism" of the 1890s is characterized by the use of Emperor symbols which were independent and unconditional. The symbols of the Emperor system penetrated to the public not through mass media but by means of the "Words", and the effect was tremendous. There is no doubt that the popular conception of the Japanese nation overlapped with the concept of the Emperor, and the core of "nationalism" was nothing but the Emperor system.
As we have seen before, newspapers in the modern sense came to the scene in the 1890s, but at the same time, the "Word" communication became institutionalized. And the publishers were reminded to obey codes governing the specific style and editorial technique when they reported affairs of the Imperial family. (The following episode is suggestive. Under the Emperor system, when a misprint was found in an article in a newspaper which reported something about the Imperial family, the editor was purged from the firm.)
The whole discussion is summarized as follows: 1) Technological and intellectual developments which started from the time of Meiji Restoration reached the stage where a "national communication circle" could be formed in 1890s. 2) From the "national communication circle", there emerged a political and social philosophy of "nationalism". 3) In the case of this specific "nationalism" of Japan, it should be remembered that the core concept of the nation was identical with the Emperor, and the enlightenment movement itself had been under the control of the Emperor system.
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